全書分為上、中、下三個(gè)部分,上編和中編分別對(duì)“和諧世界”和“民主聯(lián)盟”的內(nèi)涵、實(shí)質(zhì)、歷史淵源、可行性等進(jìn)行了闡述和分析,下編對(duì)“和諧世界”和“民主聯(lián)盟”進(jìn)行比較研究,并以東南亞國家為例,對(duì)兩者的影響力進(jìn)行了分析。全書旨在分析中美文化外交的區(qū)別及其根源,美國文化、意識(shí)形態(tài)在對(duì)華外交中的影響,并在此基礎(chǔ)上提出相應(yīng)的對(duì)策。
Third,when US President George W.Bush waged the Iraq War,hewas opposed to the unilateral actions of the US without the authorization ofthe Securitv Council.Moreover,he insisted that the UN solve disputes in aDeaceful way,which manifested his principle of independence.
As a resuIt.he infuriated the US government,especially the conser.vatives and the neo-conservatives,the latter of whom mounted a campaignt0 discredit the UN and the Secretary-General.The campaign is called aninvestigation of the"Oil-for-Food Scandal."Back then,the UN imposedsanctions on Iraq.In order to protect the Iraqi people from the damage ofthe sanctions. the UN allowed Iraq to export a fraction of its oil for moneyt0 buv food and medicine for the people.The income of the oiJ export cameunder the UN control.In order to place blame on Kofi Annan,the USseized the opportunity and scrutinized possible corruption in the pro-ict.This is the so.calied oil-for.Food Scandal."It turned out that therewas at most maladministration,and no serious corruption.In comparisonwith the US corruption in the Iraq War,this is not even worth mentioning.
SO,despite the US campaign to discredit the Secretary-General,KofiAnnan,s flarewell speech was frequently interrupted by applause.ThesDeech finished in a lengthy standing ovation.This showed the deep appre.ciation 0f most member states for Kofi Annan'S ten.year tenure, and ademonstration of opposition to the US.The media also heaped praises onhim.hailing him as the"secular Pope."
The auestion is why so far only three Secretary-Generals have takenfull advantage 0f the moral force of this post and achieved an independentstatus.a(chǎn)nd only one has succeeded?There are two reasons according tomv first-hand observations: One is the external factor;the other is the in.ternal factor,namely,the individual factor.
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陳健,我國著名外交官,從事外交工作四十多年。先后擔(dān)任中國常駐聯(lián)合國副代表,特命全權(quán)大使,外交部新聞司司長(zhǎng),外交部發(fā)言人,外交部部長(zhǎng)助理,中國駐日本特命全權(quán)大使,聯(lián)合國副秘書長(zhǎng),F(xiàn)任中國聯(lián)合國協(xié)會(huì)會(huì)長(zhǎng)、兼任中國人民大學(xué)國際關(guān)系學(xué)院院長(zhǎng)。陳健不僅是一名外交官,還是一位銳意改革者,擔(dān)任聯(lián)合國副秘書長(zhǎng)期間,曾大刀闊斧改革,成效卓著,被安南譽(yù)為“聯(lián)合國歷史上最深刻的、聯(lián)合國各項(xiàng)改革中最富有成果的改革”。其“溫和而堅(jiān)定”的外交風(fēng)格,給國際社會(huì)留下了深刻的印象。
CHAPTER 1
THE UN NEEDS CHINA AND CHINA NEEDS THE UN
CHAPTER 2
LOW PROFILE FOREVER
CHAPTER 3
CHINA'S CURRENT INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL
ENVIRONMENT
CHAPTER 4
OPENING SPEECH AT 2012 CHINA MODEL UNITED
NATIONS CONFERENCE
CHAPTER 5
CHINA WILL NEVER BE A SUPERPOWER
CHAPTER 6
OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES
CHAPTER 7
GIVE CHINA'S DIPLOMACY MORE ELBOW ROOM
CHAPTER 8
DIPLOMACY REQUIRES BOTH FIRMNESS AND
FLEXIBILITY; FLEXIBILITY IS NOT WEAKNESS
CHAPTER 9
WE NEED TO RESOLUTELY DEFEND OUR CORE
INTEREST, BUT NOT TO AMPLIFY IT
CHAPTER 10
MILD BUT FIRM
CHAPTER 11
TRANSPARENCY AND CONFIDENCE
CHAPTER 12
INFLUENCE IS ALLOWED, INTERFERENCE IS NOT
CHAPTER 13
FOR THE SECURITY OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION
CHAPTER 14
CHINA'S POLICIES TOWARDS ITS NEIGHBORS
CHAPTER 15
THE DEVELOPMENT OF SINO-US RELATIONS
CHAPTER 16
BIG POWER RELATIONSHIP
CHAPTER 17
REBUILDING CONSENSUS ON R2P
AFTERWORD